excerpt from The Urban Guerilla Concept
by The Red Army Faction April 1971
V. The Urban Guerilla
Imperialism and all reactionaries, looked at in essence, from a long-term point of view, from a strategic point of view, must be seen for what they are — paper tigers. On this we should build our strategic thinking.Mao Tse Tung 1.12.58
If the paper tiger of American imperialism can eventually be defeated. If the tactics of the Chinese Communists are correct that the victory over American imperialism will be achieved through fighting imperialist forces everywhere, splitting them up, and then defeating these forces separately. If these assertions are correct, then there is absolutely no reason to rule out or disregard any region or country from the anti-imperialist struggle. This is also the case when revolutionary forces are particularly weak or the reactionary forces are particularly strong in those regions or countries.
It is mistaken to discourage revolutionary forces by underestimating them. It is also mistaken to fuel disputes between them that could eventually lead to their destruction. There is an undoubted tension between the Red Army Faction and some of our sincere comrades (we’ll leave out the windbags for now) who are currently active in political organisations. On the one hand we are accusing you of discouraging revolutionary forces – on the other hand you are accusing us of needlessly whipping them up. There is a tendency for factionalism in work-places and communities to have gone too far between some active comrades and the Red Army Faction. Dogmatism and adventurism are characteristic deviations in the weaker phases of the revolution. As for the anarchist reproach that we are ‘opportunists’ – that’s old hat – they have always criticised ‘opportunism’, it is nothing new.
The Urban Guerilla Concept comes from Latin America. The situation there is the same as here – a revolutionary intervention coming from relatively weak revolutionary forces.
The Urban Guerilla is not waiting for the Prussian-type marching orders that some so-called revolutionaries are holding out for in order to lead the people’s struggle. When the time comes, the Urban Guerilla is completely ready for the armed struggle. He [32] assumes that in a country like the Federal Republic, with a weak revolutionary tradition and massive potential for State violence, that revolutionary intervention is a necessity. The Urban Guerilla assumes that the conditions for revolution have never been better than at present – due to the economic and political circumstances prevalent in late-capitalism.
In this context the Urban Guerilla can be seen as a logical consequence of the long tradition of the negation of parliamentary democracy by its own representatives. The Urban Guerilla is the unavoidable response to the emergency and hand-grenade laws [33]; to the readiness of the system to use all means necessary to liquidate its adversaries. The Urban Guerilla Concept is based on an acknowledgement of these facts rather than trying to apologise for them.
The student movement had at least a partial experience already of Guerilla tactics when they translated some of the Left’s usual tactics – agitation and propaganda – into more concrete forms. This could be seen in the Springer campaign or by the Carbora-Bassa campaign carried out by Heidelberg students†. It was also evident in campaigning against the military aid given to the comprador [34] regimes by the Federal Republic. Guerilla tactics were also used in respect to exposing the court system, fighting class justice and achieving justice on the factory floor and other work-places. The Urban Guerilla turns all the talk about internationalism into the practical procurement of money and weapons. He renders the State tactic of banning communists irrelevant by organising an underground that is impossible for the police to penetrate. The Urban Guerilla is a weapon of the class struggle.
The Urban Guerilla Concept should be seen as an armed struggle taking place in the light of police shoot-to-kill methods and the class justice that managed to free Kurras [35]. The system would bury our comrades alive if we didn’t stop it. We will not be demoralised by the violence of the system.
The Red Army Faction intends to temporarily put specific parts of the State’s government and security apparatus out of action. This will destroy the myth of the overwhelming nature and invincibility of the system.
The Urban Guerilla Concept entails setting up an illegal organisation – involving safe houses, weapons, ammunition, cars, documents etc. Marighella’s Minimanual of the Urban Guerilla [36]
Before embarking on armed struggle it is important to gather appropriate political experience. If your attachment to the revolutionary Left has been of a more fashionable nature – then your involvement should only extend to a point where you can still turn back.
The Red Army Faction, by fusing the faction with political practice, have drawn a clear dividing line with the enemy. As a result, we will be the ones who will be most fiercely opposed by the State. This already assumes the attainment of political identity and also the fact that we have learnt some important lessons already.
Our original organisational concept involved linking the Red Army Faction with existing grassroots activists. We envisaged participating in existing socialist groups – we would work with them, influence debates, gather experience, learn some lessons. However, it soon became obvious that this wouldn’t work. Infiltration by the security services and their knowledge of meetings, agendas and plans, had reached a point that you were prevented from talking freely. You cannot combine legal political activism with an illegal political practice.
Being an Urban Guerilla requires a clear set of motives: You have to make sure that you are unaffected by the tabloid attacks. That whole “anti-semitic/criminal/low-life/murderers/arsonists” syndrome which is used to attack revolutionaries, all that shit must not affect you operating as an Urban Guerilla.
The system will be prepared to use any means, however scandalous, in order to restrict our terrain and show its determination to oppose us.
No areas of public life are left which don’t have, in some way or another, the main goal of serving the interests of capital. This also holds true for the Left, whose activities do not extend beyond their subscribers, their supporters, their internal organisation or their cadre. These activities play themselves out in the context of mostly private, coincidental, personal and bourgeois forms of communication. No publications escape the control of vested financial interests – through advertising; through ambitious journalists trying to make a name for themselves; through TV and radio; and through the concentration of media ownership. In the public domain a powerful elite has the dominant role. They divide and spread themselves around the market-place, filling in market gaps and distributing ideological content for specific audiences. The media’s message in a nutshell is... Sell. Anything that can’t sell is considered pukeworthy: News and information become commodities for consumption and the most popular publications become commercially saturated. A ratings war ensues on television. All this is an attempt to avoid contradictions and antagonisms latent in public audiences, those contradictions that are highlighted are never of any real consequence. In order to achieve any position in the market you must attach yourself to huge media corporations, for example the dependency of smaller entities on the Springer Corporation grows in proportion to Springer’s expansion – it has now started swallowing up local newspapers. An Urban Guerilla can expect absolutely nothing but bitter hostility from these institutions. An Urban Guerilla can only orient himself by means of self-criticism and Marxist critique – nothing else: “Whoever is not afraid of execution dares to tear the king down from his horse.” (Mao)
Formulating long-term strategies or just getting on with smaller tasks etc. are only applicable to the Urban Guerilla in the sense that he doesn’t only talk about them – he takes action. This takes place without any possibility of a return to some bourgeois career. There is no return to making the revolution by pinning stuff on the notice-boards of terraced houses. There must be a desire, even with its inherent pathos, of what Blanqui formulated: “The duty of all revolutionaries is to fight, to carry on fighting, to fight to the death”. There were never any revolutionary struggles where this principle has not applied – Russia, China, Cuba, Algeria, Palestine, Vietnam.
Some people think that not all the possibilities have been exhausted for political work in the form of propaganda, mobilisation and agitation. They maintain that only when all these avenues are closed should we resort to armed struggle. Our reply: It is never going to be possible to fully exploit these political opportunities because the armed struggle is an integral part of the politicisation process. The strategic identification that reactionaries are just paper tigers results from the tactical identification of them for what they they really are: criminals, exploiters and murderers.
We’re not going to brag about the armed struggle – we will do it. Freeing Andreas Baader was not done for publicity purposes – we wanted to get our comrade out of prison. The bank robberies the cops are trying to pin on us – we only did them to get a bit of money. The “splendid successes” mentioned by Mao when “the enemy is painting you in the darkest possible colours” will occur when we start scoring results of our own. We are indebted to our Latin American comrades for our progress so far. They have already established a clear dividing line with the enemy. The government is worried that the same thing will happen over here as well. As a result they have stated that they will ‘vigorously stand up to us’ – all this when all that has happened is that we are suspected of a few bank robberies. The huge outcry about us leaves the impression that the Red Army Faction has already become fully operational!



















